LIBERATION THEOLOGY AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF NEO-COLONIZATION

DR. JUAN A. CARMONA 

In the previous essay, we dealt with how Spanish colonization and imperialism had an impact on Latin America.  We can see how the conquest planted the seeds of rebellion and resentment, and, at the same time, the emergence of a theology that would address those economic. political, and social ills.

Today, we can continue to look at and evaluate what has properly been called "Neo-colonialism," under the aegis of the U.S.A.  While many people in the Caribbean and Latin America see the arrival of U.S.A. troops and the economic system of the U.S.A. as "liberation" from the cruelties of the Spanish empire, our coverage today will demonstrate that it is just the opposite, i.e. passing the goods (lands and resources) from one set of thieves to another set of thieves, and, how in both cases, that imperialism has done its utmost to protect the stolen goods.

Latin America and the Caribbean today, have become proving grounds for various experiments in neo-colonialism-transnational corporations, Japanese vehicles, tracking stations, satellite dishes, foreign television, military exercises, millions of tourists, and off-shore schemes.  It is in the light of these considerations that the realities of the Caribbean/Latin American conditions have to be understood.  They explain why the current structures of poverty continue to be overlaid with a veneer of progress instead of being dismantled altogether; why the prospects for the sharing of power among the broad masses of landless people are neither nearer nor clearer; why in some cases of political independence has essentially ushered in new forms of structured economic dependence; and why the ideals of racial, cultural, and regional integration are ignored more often than they are pursued.  The process of underdevelopment, which began in 1492, has never been substantially challenged. The only major shifts in the region have been from one form of  dependency to another (Kortright Davis, Emancipation Still Comin. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1990, pp. 3-4)

In the century after the wars for independence in Latin America, two powers-one prominent and one emerging-would vie for political and economic influence in Latin America. Great Britain, the preeminent power in the world at the beginning of the nineteenth century, would be the most potent external political and economic influence on Latin America into the 1930's. The United States, as it emerged as an industrial and economic powerhouse throughout the nineteenth century, would challenge the British for influence in the region.  In the first century after independence in the 1780's, the power and influence of the United States radiated westward and southward from the Old Thirteen Colonies.  It was on the North American continent and in the Caribbean basin that the United States would truly challenge and then supplant the British throughout the nineteenth century. U.S. influence was minimal south of Central America and the Caribbean.  British power in South America began to wane with the First World War, and would be completely replaced by the end of the Second World War (Marshall C. Eakin, The History of Latin America:Collission of Cultures. New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2007, pp. 230-240).

The Spanish-American War in 1898 marks a watershed, not only in the role of the United States in Latin America, but also the U.S. role in the world.  In many ways, 1898 marks the emergence of the United States on the world stage, and the beginning of more than a rise to global supremacy that continues into the twenty-first century.  Throughout the nineteenth century, the United States marched across the North American continent, conquering, colonizing, and creating one of the largest domestic markets the world had ever seen.  By 1898, the Second Industrial Revolution was in full swing in the Unites States, built on iron and steel, the internal combustion engine, petroleum, power and a revolution in chemistry that would produce (among other things) fertilizers and explosives that would transform agriculture and warfare.  The Civil War in the 1860's had brutally halted expansion and integration of the continent.  In the decades after the war, railroads crisscrossed the nation, binding the regions together, and steamships carried U.S. troops and exports across the oceans (Ibid. p. 246). 

In the 1930's, several patterns were clear.  The British preeminence in nineteenth-century Latin America (especially South America) was rapidly disappearing and U.S. power in the region was growing dramatically.  U.S. investment in the region moved past that of Great Britain, the United States had decades of direct economic and military involvement across the Caribbean basin and the Gulf of Mexico, and U.S. policy-makers were hard at work on forging a Pax Americana in which the United States would "lead" the rest of the hemisphere.  The Second World War would accelerate all of the processes, opening an era of unprecedented U.S. power and influence in Latin America after 1945. As the peoples of the region forged their identities as Mexicans, Nicaraguans, Chileans, Brazilians-as Latin Americans-they did so in a complex and deeply conflicted relationship with the Colossus of the North (Ibid., ops. 251-252).  

Against this backdrop of history, we must stop to ask, "What is the relationship between theology and these historical developments in Latin America?"  As has pointed out several times before, theology does not emerge from or operate in a vacuum.  Theology is developed within the framework of human relations and historical occurrences. History shapes and at the same time is shaped by theology.  A knowledge of history helps us o understand the contents and nature of theology.  A knowledge of theology, on the other hand, enables us to give a meaning to history.

Liberation Theology, which addresses how the emergence and development of economic, political, and social structures under the influence of U.S. imperialism, seeks to identify, unmask, and denounce the environmental ills that these structures have generated.  Liberation Theology seeks to bring about a restricting of Latin American society, so that there will be a more fair, just, and equitable system for all of its inhabitants.  

This essay is submitted in the Name of the Creator, and of the Liberator, and of the Sustainer. Amen.

Dr. Juan A. Carmona 

Past Professor of Theology

Tainan Theological College/Seminary 

 COLONIAL HISTORY OF LATIN AMERICA 

DR. JUAN A. CARMONA 

In order to understand why Liberation Theology developed in Latin America, we must first come to grips with its colonial and neo-colonial history.  As has been pointed out before, Liberation Theology did not emerge in a vacuum.  There were circumstances and reasons as to why we see its emergence and development in  this corner of the world.  In essence, we will note that Liberation Theology is both an anti-colonial theology which denounces the status quo of economics, military, and political imperialism, as well as a post-colonial theology which seeks to address the concerns and issues prevalent in those societies which either are sovereign or in the process of becoming sovereign.

Following the lead of Columbus, the Spanish swept across the Caribbean within a generation, conquering and destroying the native people in their paths.  The Spanish moved through the conquest of a 'stepping stone process.'  They would conquer an island, establish a base of operations, and then move outward from there in a step-by-step pattern. Hispaniola, for example, became the staging ground for invading Cuba, and then Cuba for the conquest of Mexico.  From island to island, the Spanish replicated the original process on Hispaniola, while adding new features to respond to the different lands and peoples they encountered.  In a pattern that would be reproduced across Latin America for the next century, the conquerors divided the spoils-plunder, land, and natives among themselves.  The conquest operated on something of a seniority system.  The senior members of the expeditions got the best spoils, and those who got the smaller shares, along with those who arrived in the latter waves of conquistadors, were pushed outward to find their own riches and to conquer their own lands.  Unlike the Portuguese, who consciously set out to build their factories, or trading posts, the Spanish come to conquer, pillage, and then settle as colonists.  After the initial conquest, they recognized that all future wealth would have to come from the land, and the key to producing on the land was the exploitation of non-European labor (Marshall C. Eakin, The History of Latin America: Collision of Cultures. New York: Palgrave Mac Millan, 2007, p.62)

When put into a historical perspective, Liberation Theology is a theology which emerges within the framework of land-grabbing colonization, slave labor, and genocide.  It develops against the backdrop of conquest and eventual marginalization.  Liberation Theology is what Luis Rivera-Pagan calls "Theology from the margins," i.e. a theology which is generated among conquered and marginalized people.

Columbus's arrival brought a new economic system that also changed the socio-cultural organization of the indigenous people.  The native women were no longer equal to the men; they were raped and taken as objects of possession by the colonizers as a means to subjugate the population.  The Church allowed only men as the leaders of religion, and only white Spanish men at that. Not even the colonizer's own mixed blood offspring were acceptable as servants of God.  Five hundred years later, women are still submissive to men (Lydia Hernandez in "Even Today What Began Five Hundred Years Ago." New Face of the Church in Latin America, Guillermo Cook, ed. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1994, p. 19).

As the military conquest drew to a close in the sixteenth century, the Spanish and Portuguese turned to making their new possessions productive long-term enterprises. Cultivation and exploitation of the land became the primarily objective of the developing colonial regimes.  Land without labor, however, was useless to the colonizers.  The population of Spain and Portugal were not very large, perhaps 10 to 11 million, combined in the sixteenth century.  The monarchies of both had little interest in a large out-migration of their subjects; rather, they needed them to provide an adequate and compliant labor force in Iberia, Mexico, and Peru, on the other hand, had populations that were each possibly double that of Spain and Portugal combined.  Quite literally, the Americas were built from the sweat and blood of African and indigenous people.  And much of the economic expansion in Europe after 1500 was fueled by the wealth of the America produced by their sweat and blood.  Out of this coercive labor system emerged the most burdensome legacy of the colonial period -the large landed estate (Eakin, op. cit, p. 96).

As we continue to examine these negative historical realities in Latin America, we can then begin to understand why our theology is referred to as a "theology of liberation."  It is a theology which seeks to advocate for liberation from the oppressive structures which have come into being as result of imperialistic conquest, genocide, slavery, and colonization.  

In future essays, we will focus on the impact of U.S.A. neo-colonialism in Latin America.  The impact of the imposition of the U.S.A. structures and subsequent policies will be examined as we seek to evaluate the need for a theology of liberation this region.

This essay  is submitted in the Name of the Creator, and of the Liberator, and of the Sustainer. Amen!

Dr. Juan A. Carmona 

Past Professor of Theology

Tainan Theological College/Seminary 

 ASIAN LIBERATION THEOLOGY 

DR. JUAN A. CARMONA 

The vast, sprawling continent of Asia, exhibits even more variety than do Africa and Latin America.  Each country has its own distinctive history and traditions, and each has had its own unique encounter with Western colonialism.  More than 85 percent of all Asians suffer from abject poverty and oppression (Dean William Ferm, Third World Liberation Theologies: An Introductory Survey. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1986, p. 76.)

An added ingredient in the Asian setting is the living presence of many major religions competing for the allegiance of humankind.  To be sure, Latin America has its indigenous religions-heretofore ignored by their liberation theologians-but Catholicism has been the dominant faith there for the past four centuries. Native American religions have not only survived the aggression of Christian and Muslim invaders, but have become a rich source of of spiritual insight for African theologians.  The situation in Asia is unique, however, for here we find Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism Jainism, and other religious traditions coexisting in an infinite variety, compounding rather than alleviating certain forms of human oppression-for example, discrimination against women.  A further complicating factor is that Asian Christians are a tiny minority, but with 3 percent of Asians identifying themselves as Christians and with only the Philippines claiming a majority of Christians.  It is ironic that most contemporary Asians consider Christianity, despite its roots in the Middle East, a foreign religion, a product of Western colonial expansion (There are important exceptions -e.g. the Orthodox churches).

Asian liberation theology has thus had to contend with two additional components that set it apart from most forms of liberation theology in Latin America and Africa.  First, it daily encounters other major living religions. Secondly, in most Asian countries, Christianity is a very small minority group.  Both of these factors have had a profound impact on the content and methods of liberation theology in that part of the world (Ferm, op. cit.).  

Christianity-Protestantism in particular-had very little impact in Asia until the nineteenth century, which witnessed the rapid growth of First World missionary societies that established outposts throughout the continent.  Like their African and Latin American counterparts, most Western missionaries stressed the importance of individual conversion to Christ, with little emphasis on the social dimension, and with even less appreciation for the positive values to to be found in other religions.  In the twentieth century, the burgeoning of anti-colonial, anti-Western sentiment has seen the development of forms of Christianity divested of foreign cultural baggage baggage and leadership, a step vitally necessary to the survival of Christianity in Asia (Ibid., p. 77).  

U Ba Hmyn of Burma set the future course clearly at the third Assembly of the World Council of Churches in New Delhi in 1961 when he said: No theology will deserve to be called ecumenical in the coming days which ignores Asian structures.  It may use the term "ecumenical," but it will really be parochial and Western only (Hans-Ruedi Weber, Asia and the Ecumenical Movement, 19895-1961. London, SCM, 1966, p. 15). 

There is no adequate way to give even a postcard summary of developments in recent Asian theology that have led to the emergence of liberation theology. Asia is a many-splendored continent. It demands many distinctive strategies tailored to the indigenous specifications of particular areas (Ferm, op. cit., p. 77).

Asian liberation theology is a rapidly growing, multifaceted phenomenon similar in its basic aspirations to African and Latin American liberation theology,  yet distinctive  in its pluralistic religious setting (Important Asian liberation theologians include Koson Srisang of Thailand,  Khin Maung Din of Burma, James A. Veitch of Singapore, Vitalino r. Gorospe of the Philippines, and C.S. Song of Taiwan). 

One should not even begin to speak with a shred of confidence about the "pros and cons" of Third World liberation theology until one gains some degree of sensitivity to and appreciation for its multiple Asian versions.  Asian liberation theology is original, complex, rich bewildering, and immensely fertile.  It provides important models for liberation, not only for the Third World, but also for the First World (Ferm, op. cit., p. 99).

This essay is submitted in the Name of the Creator, and of the Liberator, and of the Sustainer. Amen!

Dr. Juan A. Carmona 

Past Professor of Theology

Tainan Theological College/Seminary                              

THE ASIAN ORIGINS OF LATIN AMERICA

DR. JUAN A. CARMONA 

These next two essays will focus on Liberation Theology from an Asian context.  We begin by talking about the Asian origins of Latin America.

Like it happens often-times with other parts of history, especially North American history, the approach that has been taken traditionally-speaking, is to write history from the standpoint of the conquerors. altogether ignoring the conquered, or, at the very least, relegating them to secondary status in terms of their contribution to civilization and historical development.  In this essay, we will deal with Asian origins of this region, for as Dr. Ivan Van Sertima points out, there were people of both African and Asian descent here, thousands of years before the European colonizations of the West.  We will view, even if in summary fashion, the pre-European presence in the Americas in order to understand the thrust of Liberation Theology.

Marshall C. Eakin, Professor of History at Vanderbilt University gives us a gist of this pre-European presence in the Americas. He states, "The 'first Americans' arrived in a series of migrations from the Asian continent across the Bering Straight possibly far back as 40,000 years ago.  The last wave of migrants was the Eskimo or Inuit, who traveled across the frozen expanses of the Arctic about 4,000 years ago.  Archaeologists have long debated the dates of the earliest arrivals, with more traditional and conservative scholars arguing against any clear proof of migration before about 12,000 years ago.  Although not an archaeologist, I believe that there is growing evidence, especially from Chile, that the dates should be pushed back at least 20,000 years ago.  All agree, however, that by 10,000 years ago, humans occupied most of the Americas from Canada to Tierra del Fuego.  The islands of the Caribbean and the plains of Southern South America were probably the last major regions to be populated, only about 2,000 years before the arrival of Columbus.  In contrast to the striking diversity of their languages, Native Americans were extraordinarily homogenous in genetic or biological terms.  The blood type of most Native Americans, for example, is O, a type common to more than 80 percent of them.  For reasons that are not entirely clear, these early migrants did not bring with them the diseases of the Old World.  Some have hypothesized that the cold Arctic passage served as a type of 'filter,' killing of dangerous microbes.  None of the Native American populations had exposure to diseases that ravaged the Old World: influenza, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, plague, typhus.  For this lack of exposure and immunity, they would pay a very high price during the European invasion and the conquest  which went along with the invasion (Marshall C. Eakin, The History of Latin America: Collision of of Cultures. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2007, p.27)."

When Columbus arrived in the Caribbean in 1492, he believed that he had reached the 'Indies,' something of a generic term for Asia in his day.  He called the natives 'Indios," and this work stuck, entering into the vocabulary of many languages.  The term 'Native American' has gained wide acceptance in the last few decades, but it is also problematic.  The term 'America' is also Euro-centric.  It is a name given to the New World by a German cartographer in the early sixteenth century to honor Amerigo Vespucci, one of the best-known early explorers.  Most native groups before the Conquest simply called themselves 'the people' and they saw the rest of the population around them as the 'Other,' to use the parlance of contemporary academics.  There is no 'politically correct' term to be employed. One of the  most radical groups of the 1970's,  for example, were called 'the American Indian Movement.'  One growing movement now promotes the term 'indigenous peoples.'  It is one of the great ironies of the early twentieth century that the term 'Indian' has now become a generic label adopted by native peoples all across the Americas to create a sense of solidarity. In effect, they have accepted the  lumping of all native peoples together, something the Europeans artificially did in the sixteenth century to peoples supposedly no sense of common identity or solidarity (Ibid. p. 28).

Whether these pre-European trans-oceanic contacts were fundamental to cultural developments is a matter of debate.  There are some who hold to the view that the native peoples of the Americas were too ignorant and unfit to have produced what were clearly the remains of incredibly sophisticated civilizations. They also tend to believe that the Native Americans were incapable of creating great cultures on their own (Ibid., p. 29).

I conclude by stating that we can no longer subscribe to the notion that Latin American came into 'civilization' as a result of and after the European conquest.  The African and Asiatic origins of Latin America need to be weighed if we are to talk about a theology which deals with the oppression of the people of this region during and after the European conquest.  The notion of white 'cultural superiority' needs to be deconstructed, demythologized, and dismissed for once and for all.  The theology that we are dealing with did not emerge from the European ivory towers of comfort and speculation, but rather from the colonization and subsequent subjugation of the people of Latin America.  

In the Name of the Creator, and of the Liberator, and of the Sustainer. Amen.  

Dr. Juan A. Carmona 

Past Professor of Theology

Tainan Theological College/Seminary 

 THE AFRICAN CONTEXT OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY 

I have often times stated that Liberation Theology is not a school of thought, but rather a movement.  It is a historical movement that dates back many centuries, even before the Christian era.  It did not begin in Latin America, but in the African continent.  

I began this series of essays (based on my lectures delivered at the Tainan Theological College/Seminary in Taiwan during the academic years 2016-2017 and 2017-2018 while serving as a Visiting Professor of Theology).  I deliberately initiated these lectures focusing on Latin America and the Latinx Diaspora in the U.S.A. because I am a Latino (specifically Afro-Puerto Rican) scholar/theologian.  As such, my theology is based on the experience of oppression and suffering on the Caribbean, Latin America, and what I call for lack of a better term, "Slave Town, U.S.A."

Having said that, I will note that technically speaking, Liberation Theology began in Africa, which historians consider the cradle of human civilization.  It began when Yahweh God (the God of Israel) said to Moses, "I have heard the cry of my people and am concerned about them."  This encounter between Moses and Yahweh lead to the eventual emancipation of the Hebrew people from Egyptian bondage.  

If, indeed, the African continent is the cradle of human civilization, then it is apropos that our study of theology (God-talk) should begin there.  This is not say, however, by any stretch of the imagination, that there was no dealing with God and other human civilizations outside of Africa prior to the birth and coming of Moses.  God is not limited to any cultural, ethnic, national, racial, or social group.  God is a cosmic and transcendent God, who is not confined to any geographical area of the world, or to any national or racial group.  I respectfully submit that wherever there has been oppression and suffering, that this is where we find and experience the divine presence.

African Liberation Theology is not a mere clone of Latin American Liberation Theology.  The diverse and rich culture of Africa, in addition to its unique experience of Christianity, represents a fresh challenge to those seeking to understand African notions of liberation (Dean William Ferm, Third World Liberation Theologies: An Introductory Survey.  Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1986, p.59).

As is well known, the Christian Church as existed in northern Africa since early times.  Especially prominent was the Christian community in Alexandria at the time of Clement and Origen in the second and fourth centuries.  Later, in the fifth century, the Coptic Church of Egypt, which still flourishes today, emerged as an Egyptian nationalist movement, opposing Byzantine imperialism.  By the nineteenth century, Christian missionaries were spreading throughout sub-Saharan Africa, usually joining forces with Western colonial powers in exploiting the inhabitants, their lands and resources, with a "pro white, anti-black, we have the truth, you don't" attitude.  As a result, racism and the aftertaste of slavery have deeply infected relationships between blacks and whites throughout Africa from the first colonial settlements to the first generation (Ibid.). 

Thus, although stressing liberation from social, economic, and political oppression like its Latin American obverse, African Liberation Theology is deeply concerned with racial oppression.  This component is especially strong in South Africa, where racism in the form of apartheid has been extremely virulent.  Both African and North American black theologians have faulted Latin American theologians for failing to take the racial component seriously (Ibid.).  

James Cone, considered to be the "Father" of African American Liberation Theology, is one of the black American theologians who makes this critique.  He says, "The Latin American theologians' emphasis upon the class struggle, with almost no mention of race oppression, made black theologians suspicious of their white European identity (Sergio Torres and John Eagles, eds., The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities (Maryknoll, Orbis Books, 1981, p. 266)."

Ruvimbo Taker of Zimbabwe also notes: The fact that the cultures of the Indians and black have been ignored seems to indicate why they are absent from the larger participation in Latin American life. The rich cultural attributes of the Indians and the blacks have been ignored by the Church in conformity with the ruling dominant class (Ibid., p. 258).

But in other countries other than South Africa, the racial component is not important.  John Pobee points out that "With the exception of the Republic of South Africa, racial prejudice is not so bad in Africa as it is in America.  Consequently, African theology, though interested in liberation, is not preoccupied with liberation as much as black theology is (Toward an African Theology. Nashville, Abingdon, 1979, p. 39). 

In addition, African theologians have in recent years had a far greater appreciation for indigenous religions than have their Latin American counterparts.  Even the African Christian churches have begun to show a willingness to incorporate indigenous beliefs and practices into their teachings.  This, however, has not always been the case.  The early missionaries who came from the First World brought with them a westernized version of Christianity that looked upon the African blacks as heathen, and Africa itself as the "empire of Satan."  These missionaries were convinced that either the Africans had  no religion at all or what religion they had was pagan.  In fact, perhaps the most potent factor in the development of independent churches throughout Africa was the failure of mission programs of the established churches to come to terms with the African religious heritage (Ferm, p. 60). 

Even today, the "indigenization" issue has not failed to generate controversy.  On the one hand, the Christian churches would have difficulty coming to terms with certain African customs-for example polygamy.  On the other hand, some theologians, especially in South Africa, have complained that the return to African roots has amounted to a digression from the burning social, racial, and economic issues of the day.  Unlike most of their Latin American counterparts, African theologians have been more sharply divided between those who favor indigenization as a way of retrieving their African heritage, and those who favor indigenization as a way of liberating the oppressed.  Indeed, the latter group would not consider the former group to be liberation theologians in the true sense of the term.  It is surprising to discover that many African theologians, for whom indigenization is so important in liberating African religion from intrusion, are less involved than most South African theologians in the social problems that impede human liberation (Ibid.).

Gwinyai Muzorewa  states that " It is not clear why most Africans tend to shy away from politicizing their theology.  In my opinion, both theologies are concerned about restoring the proper image of black humanity, an image which had been grossly distorted by Europeans and white Americans (Gwinyai Muzorewa, The Origins And Development of African Theology. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1985, p. 55)."

Ruvimbo Tekere says in his criticism of Latin American Liberation Theology: A marriage of these cultures, traditional and Christian, is critical for Latin American Liberation Theology. Traditional or native culture is not opposed to the Gospel.  Only in such a marriage, when the oppressed and dominated feel they have a heritage that contributes positively to the present, will they participate fully in the Christian Church without a schizophrenic identity of "Christian" and heathen (Torres and Eagles, op. cit., p. 259)."  

How can we even begin a discussion of African Liberation Theology?  The discussion cannot be confined exclusively to any geographical region of the African continent.  

The relationship between the Christian faith and African beliefs remains a troubling issue for many of the Christian churches, particularly when such beliefs and practices go against the grain of "normative" Western teachings.  It is assumed that the Western-imposed Christianity is universally valid "in all times and in all places.  It is treated as "God-given," and African spirituality is considered "diabolical."  

As we can see, Latin American Liberation Theology can no more be exported to Africa than it can be imported to North America.  Emphases will be different and will reflect varying stages of growth in the development of a full-blown, all embracing Liberation Theology (Ferm, op. cit., p. 75).

To learn from others: "This is a call to transcend our cultural limitations and congenital blindness. To do this, even partially, is to achieve a measure of liberation, a new vantage point, a broader horizon, a fresh vision of the world, a better look at humanity and what it means to be human (Polygamy Reconsidered: African Plural Marriage and the Christian Churches: Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1979, p.  60)"

In closing, I reiterate what I intimated at the beginning of this essay, i.e. that since Africa is considered the cradle of human civilization, that any talk of Liberation Theology should begin by a focus on the oppression and suffering of the people in that continent.  I also end by saying, that whatever good and positive there may be in Western theology (European and American), and that whatever we can learn by engaging in it. that it is not "normative" for our African theology.  If anything, we might just consider African theology as "normative" for in defining Christian theology not only for the African Christian community, but for the world-wide Christian community as a whole.  We should drink from the wells of the cradle of human civilization.  

This essay is submitted in the Name of the Creator, and of the Liberator, and of the Sustainer. Amen.

Dr. Juan A. Carmona

Past Professor of Theology

Tainan Theological College/Seminary